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BMJ 2003;327:134 (19 July), doi:10.1136/bmj.327.7407.134
Mina Fazel, clinical lecturer1, Alan Stein, professor1
1 Section of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, University Department of Psychiatry, Warneford Hospital, Oxford OX3 7JX
Correspondence to: M Fazel mina.fazel{at}psych.ox.ac.uk
We examined the rates of psychological disturbance in a sample of UK children who were refugees and compared them with a group of children who were from an ethnic minority but were not refugees and a group of indigenous white children.
Participants, methods, and results
The six schools in Oxford with the largest number of refugee children
agreed to participate. At these schools, all 115 children who were refugees or
seeking asylum were identified, and we wrote to the parents or guardians of
each. We asked permission, in English and the parent's native language, for
the child's class teacher to complete a questionnaire on their child's
psychosocial adjustment. One parent refused and the teachers of 13 children
did not return questionnaires (without providing reasons) leaving 101 refugee
children in the study. We individually matched refugee children for age and
sex with the next ethnic minority and the next white child in the alphabetical
class list. If a parent refused (n = 8) the next appropriate child on the
register was recruited.
The sample comprised 303 children. In each group were 61 boys and 40 girls; 32 children were aged 5-9, 35 were aged 10-13, and 34 were aged 14-18 years. Regions of origin for the refugee children included the Balkans (48), Kashmir (16), and Afghanistan (10) and for the ethnic minority children Pakistan (64) and Bangladesh (28).
Teachers assessed the children's emotional and behavioural adjustment using
the "strengths and difficulties questionnaire" (SDQ), which is
well validated and widely
used.3 The
questionnaire has 25 items, which generate five subscalesemotional
symptoms, peer problems, hyperactivity, conduct disorder, and prosocial
behaviourand a separate impact score. We did two sets of analyses
comparing the refugee children to each of the control groups. Firstly,
psychiatric cases were compared with non-cases using a definition of
"caseness" by combining raised symptoms (SDQ
14) and impact
scores (
2).4
Comparisons showed significant differences with 27% (95% confidence interval
19% to 36%) of refugee children, 9% (5% to 16%) of children from ethnic
minorities, and 15% (9-23%) of white children meeting case criteria.
Significantly more refugee children were cases than children from ethnic
minorities (P < 0.01) and there was a strong trend for more refugee than
white children to be cases (P = 0.059).
Secondly, we compared the groups on total SDQ scores and on each subscale (table). Refugee children scored significantly higher than ethnic minority children on both total (P < 0.01) and emotional (P < 0.001) scores; and refugee children scored higher than white children on total (P < 0.01), emotional (P < 0.01), peer (P < 0.01), and hyperactivity (P < 0.05) scores.
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Limitations of the study are that we did not use parents as informants and did not do diagnostic interviews. As refugee children have access to only limited clinical services, our findings raise considerable concern that refugee children have large unmet mental health needs that need to be tackled. The development of services should include collaboration with schools, primary health care, and community child mental health teams.
Contributors: MF and AS designed the study and wrote the paper. DAS did the statistical analysis. MF performed the study, assembled the data, and is guarantor.
Funding: MF was funded by a Wellcome research senior house officer grant.
Competing interests: AS's clinical work with refugee children is funded by the charity Action for Children in Conflict.
Ethical approval: Oxfordshire Psychiatric Ethics Committee.
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